The return of “great power politics”


* New emerging powers reshaping strategic landscape
* Currency, commodity rivalries pose new dangers
* Cyber warfare, espionage new fields of battle
* Smaller frontier economies could be the winners

By Peter Apps, Political Risk Correspondent

LONDON, (Reuters) – From currency battles to  computerised corporate espionage, fractious international  conferences to a new scramble for Africa, “great power politics”  is back on the map.

The growing power of emerging economies — particularly  China, Russia, India and Brazil  — is redrawing the priorities  of foreign and defence ministries, driving financial markets and  reshaping the global business environment.

Speaking in Geneva last month, former U.S. Secretary of  State Henry Kissinger compared the approach of powers “emerging  into confident nationhood” to those of states in the 19th or  early 20th centuries. Their rivalries eventually triggered the  carnage of World War One.

The rise of China in particular is putting international  relationships and systems into flux, Kissinger warned.
“Chaos may occur but when it does it will sooner or later  settle down to some new order,” he said — saying it was  essential that statesmen managed this process well to “save  humanity from untold suffering”.

The global financial crisis of 2008 appeared to produce a  fragile consensus on economic interdependence and regulatory  reform at a G20 summit in London in April 2009. But that has all  but broken down.

International Monetary Fund Managing Director Dominique  Strauss-Kahn lamented fading global cooperation this week.
“I think it’s fair to say that momentum is not vanishing but  decreasing and that’s a real threat,” he told a news conference  ahead of twice-yearly IMF and World Bank meetings.

“Everybody has to keep in mind this mantra that there is no  domestic solution to a global crisis,” he said.

Private sector analysts see the change even more starkly.
“Even a year ago, they thought they needed each other,” said  Elizabeth Stephens, head of credit and political risk at London  insurance broker Jardine Lloyd Thompson. “Now, it’s survival of  the fittest.”

“CURRENCY WAR”
Some say that was inevitable — not least because of growing  imbalances in the global financial system and upward pressure on  emerging nations’ currencies.
Governments are relying on export-led growth to bring jobs  and ensure social stability, inherently producing rivalry over  foreign exchange and access to resources. Everyone wants a  competitively weak currency and guaranteed cheap fuel and food.

China is at the centre of these tensions, due both to its  currency, still effectively pegged to the dollar, and to its  insatiable appetite for resources. But the unstable dynamics go  beyond the Beijing-Washington axis, sometimes dubbed the “G2”.

The last month has seen a host of signs of the new world  rivalries and disagreements that may point to what is to come.
There has been the growing rhetoric over what Brazil’s  finance minister warns may be an “international currency war”,  with key economies vying to weaken their exchange rates.

Governments fear a domestic backlash if they are seen to  blink first, potentially losing jobs to their rivals. The West  wants rapid Chinese currency appreciation — but Beijing is  strongly resistant, warning it could unleash social turmoil.

Brazil this week effectively increased capital controls and  other emerging economies such as South Korea are considering  following suit to control currency rises.
Fears of a repeat of Great Depression-style currency and  trade tariff struggles dominated the run-up to the weekend’s IMF  and World Bank meetings as well as Friday’s G7 finance talks.

“If one lets this slide into conflict, or forms of  protectionism, then we run the risk of repeating the mistakes of  the 1930s,” World Bank president Robert Zoellick told reporters.

In a more conventional national dispute, Beijing and Tokyo  locked horns last month after Japan’s coastguard detained a  Chinese trawler skipper near disputed islands.

That escalated to an apparent de facto embargo of Chinese  exports of “rare earth” minerals vital to Japanese industry  before the ship’s skipper was released.
Some see Japan and Asian nations’ sovereign wealth funds  following China and Middle Eastern powers in trying to lock down  food, mineral and energy supplies in Africa and elsewhere.

Those  resource struggles may define the 21st century in the same way  conventional wars defined the 20th, some say.
“We are now armed in a different way,” said Michael Power,  global strategist at Investec. “We shouldn’t sensationalise this  idea of a currency war — but there is a modicum of truth that  this is some kind of conflict.”

He is not alone in that thinking. The U.S. Naval War College  in Rhode Island is teaching mid-ranking officers more than ever  before about finance and markets.
“There is growing appreciation for rising and resurgent  powers and their abilities… to complicate U.S. freedom of  action,” said Nikolas Gvosdev, professor of national security at  the college. “But there is also hope that effective US outreach  to “middle powers” could help constrain China, Russia and others  to be more cooperative.”

CYBER THREATS

In a clue as to another form warfare may take in the years  to come, Iranian computer systems last month came under attack  from what analysts said was likely a “state-built” worm aimed at  its nuclear program.

Many analysts suggested Israel or the United States were the  likely points of origin — but cyber attacks offer an appealing  deniability. A Reuters special report this week showed for the  first time the scale of U.S. preparations to meet the threat —  seem largely from emerging powers such as China and Russia.

“While economic interdependence makes conventional hot wars  between major powers much less likely, the combination of a  rapidly changing geopolitical balance and technological advances  on offensive cyber attack capabilities will make state-sponsored  industrial espionage a more serious outcome,” said Ian Bremmer,  president of political risk consultancy Eurasia Group.