‘Democratic institutionalism’

Oscar Arias, the former president of Costa Rica (1986-90 and 2006-10), won the 1987 Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to end the guerrilla wars ravaging Central America and for promoting peace and democracy in the isthmus. He is widely respected for his intellect and democratic credentials. Unable to attend a forum on citizen power and democracy, in Caracas, on Monday, organised by opponents of President Nicolás Maduro’s government, he wrote an open letter focusing on Venezuela’s current economic crisis and “democratic deficit,” which for him are inextricably related.

Mr Arias lays the blame for Venezuela’s woes squarely at the feet of the authoritarianism of the chavista regime which, in pursuit of its populist agenda to restructure the political economy, has blithely ignored the principle of separation of powers, undermined confidence in state institutions, hindered private enterprise and sought to intimidate and suppress the opposition, all to the detriment of a functioning democracy and economic stability. The resulting state of affairs, according to Mr Arias, can “only be explained by the existence of a corrupt, inefficient government, dedicated to the cult of personality and obsessed with hiding the failure of a model that can no longer be subsidised in any way.”

As a consequence, the Venezuelan government is now faced with rising popular unhappiness and the threat of serious instability. Mr Arias posits in his missive that a democracy should harness popular discontent and “rectify errors quickly” but both Hugo Chávez and Mr Maduro have stifled this capacity to respond. He further argues that the latter’s increasingly hard line, aimed at squashing dissent and the political opposition, is a sure sign that the government has lost control.

In this respect, Mr Arias asserts that it is the responsibility of democrats everywhere, not only in Venezuela, to help that country achieve a peaceful, democratic transition and, at the same time, he calls on the opposition to exercise responsible leadership. He warns, moreover, that it is not a matter of “removing a specific person” which, he contends, is an error committed in other countries where leaders have been toppled without any real change for the better.

For Mr Arias, “the priority must be democratic institutionalism,” by which he means re-establishing the rule of law and the separation of powers. And even if his critique is directed at the Venezuelan government, Mr Arias also warns the opposition that its legitimacy should be derived from adherence to democratic principles and not from ad hominem attacks, advocating a commitment to respect “institutionalism” and a rejection of politically motivated violence.

We have focused this much on Mr Arias’ message not only because of our concern regarding the potential for destabilisation in neighbouring Venezuela but also because of its relevance to our own political situation.

For too long has our political culture been characterised by muckraking and personal contumely rather than by mutual respect, civility and attention to the issues, made worse by the tendency of some of our leaders to talk down to, if not cuss down, the long-suffering citizens of Guyana.

For too long, government has been synonymous with heavy-handedness, opacity and an absence of accountability, with the country enduring the progressive erosion of the rule of law. And if there are those who think that the so-called ‘Burnham constitution’ is devoid of legitimacy, then it is high time that a comprehensive process of constitutional reform be embarked upon.

As we approach the general election, we need to send the political parties a strong message that Guyana needs “democratic institutionalism”; and citizens need to be assured that constitutional order, the rule of law and the separation of powers will be supreme in the land.