Early days

Normally new governments get a certain honeymoon period where early blunders are either overlooked or given an easy ride; however, the current administration may not be so fortunate. A combination of factors conspire to make the political landscape in which it will have to function particularly hazardous, with any number of concealed roadside bombs waiting to detonate under the unwary or imprudent. The main one is, of course, that it has made any number of commitments about delivering good governance on all fronts, and it will find that it will be held to that undertaking from the very beginning.

The problem is that this is not a government formed of a single party, but a coalition. It is in a sense two coalitions: one between the PNCR and WPA plus other minor parties, and the other between APNU and the AFC. Save for the brief interlude between 1964 and 1968, this country has had no experience of running coalitions, and the prognostications are not, therefore, necessarily all good. During the last government, the unofficial alliance between the two opposition parties which together enjoyed a one-seat majority in the National Assembly, was not a howling success story. There seemed to be no structure in place for their regular communication or co-ordination of strategy, added to which the APNU leader had a tendency when dealing with the government to act unilaterally. This time round the dilemmas will be infinitely more complex and troublesome.

A hint of the difficulty President David Granger might face came in our letters column yesterday, when Mr Tacuma Ogunseye of the WPA essayed a gentle criticism of the fact that the APNU executive had not met to agree on post-election responsibilities in spite of WPA efforts to have this happen. And this is not even APNU+AFC, but APNU alone.

The problem for President Granger is that the stakes are very high; APNU only came into office because of the additional votes supplied by the AFC, and this coalition has to manoeuvre successfully through an entire five-year term. To do that, without any major crises being generated which potentially could bring down the government, a premium will have to be placed on negotiating skills and the art of compromise. Those with military backgrounds tend not to be familiar with that kind of environment, and the President would do well to listen carefully to those in his wider circle of government contacts with political experience of bargaining and conciliation.

And conciliation does not mean giving way on everything. As already mentioned above, the President has to bear in mind that the coalition came into office espousing certain principles, and it will soon fall into disrepute if it strays too far from these. In this regard, therefore, his initial steps have been somewhat shaky. After suggesting in the first instance that the public could look forward to a rather leaner government, as of Friday the ministerial complement had ballooned to 25. It should hardly need saying that a small country like this simply does not need 25 ministers.

It seems that in order to avoid any disputes within the smaller and larger coalition, therefore, the President took the line of least resistance and gave anyone who believed they had a claim a ministerial post. While this may possibly have avoided immediate friction, it has the spin-off effect of opening the coalition to the allegation that it has the same mindset as the previous government – ie, ‘jobs for the boys (and girls).’ This can be mitigated if in the course of the term anyone guilty of impropriety, financial or otherwise, or who is simply not performing, is pruned from the cabinet.

Furthermore it would seem that suitability for office was not the primary criterion for appointment in every case, despite the fact that the coalition had appeared prior to the election − by implication at least − to be promoting a more meritocratic approach than had obtained hitherto. It could also be observed that a golden opportunity was missed to reach out beyond the frontiers of the coalition itself and invite a significant member of civil society into the cabinet.

It was the Attorney-General’s position in particular, which would have lent itself to such a move. While Mr Basil Williams has proved himself an energetic, committed and dedicated lawyer who has done sterling work for the PNCR over the years, he will inevitably be seen as a partisan appointee to a post where the coalition more appropriately could have demonstrated its credentials for fairness and impartiality. Most of all, Mr Williams is not a Senior Counsel, which AGs in this country always have been, bar Mr Anil Nandlall, who was elevated by the previous government. That case too drew a great deal of criticism, and once again it will be said that the new administration has failed to make a break with the past.

There are some other eccentric appointments, a few of whose incumbents might struggle, given the fact that in addition to other things, they have no prior experience of ministerial office, or even of government. Only Prime Minister Nagamootoo and Foreign Minister Carl Greenidge have been ministers before, while Finance Minister Winston Jordan for his part does have direct experience of how government operates. They, at least, will have a good grasp of bureaucratic procedures and what is required of a minister, and there are some others who will undoubtedly learn quickly.

The unfortunate thing is that ministries which never existed before have been created to accommodate the new ministers, and exactly what their portfolios consist of has the citizenry flummoxed. Just what, for example, does a Minister of Citizenship do? Or a Minister of Governance? And although the post does not carry its own ministry, there is the enigma of the Minister of Social Cohesion. It all has a bit of a sci-fi flavour to it.

Of course, the President did not help himself by also renaming a number of ministries, and, more rashly, the Convention Centre. Public buildings in particular, should never be renamed without prior extensive consultation. It is something which should not be done on whim, least of all on a one-person whim. The Convention Centre was a nice, neutral term, which offended no one, and if Mr Granger was so determined to have former President Arthur Chung remembered, there are plenty of new streets and even buildings around in search of a name which could have served his purpose.

And then there are all these confusing names for common or garden ministries. Why a Ministry of National Security? This is not a totalitarian state as this name might suggest. What was wrong with Home Affairs, a non-intimidating bland appellation with which we have lived perfectly amicably all these decades? And why Public Infrastructure? ‘Works’ is so much less cumbersome and pretentious. And then there is the Ministry of Communities, whose name will not be conducive to identifying that its major function relates to local government. All of this means that boards have to be changed, letterheads altered and the public educated about the new names. It seems so unnecessary.

Not everything, however, is indicative of a shaky start. There is one thing above all else which lent itself to more of an army-style approach. Within two days of his swearing-in the President – to the relief of residents, it must be said – galvanized the private sector in particular, which with the help of government began clearing the garbage from central Georgetown and digging the canals. What they have achieved within the space of less than a week is truly remarkable. After twenty years of squalor, it is like a breath of fresh air – literally.

And then there is the lifting of the noose around the city council’s neck so that finally the restoration of City Hall can be tackled. If that alone can be done, this administration would have earned a mention in the history books.