Pakistan’s Imran Khan: playboy cricketer to PM?

BANI GALA, Pakistan, (Reuters) – The road to  Imran Khan’s palatial spread in the hills above Pakistan’s  capital is a perfect metaphor for his vision of his political  career: twisty and pot-holed, but ending in a grand estate.

Alone in the beginning but now surrounded by smaller  buildings, the house itself is cool and pleasant, with  Mughal-era swords arrayed on a coffee table and two playful dogs  — one a German shepherd named Sheru — romping about the  carefully manicured lawn.

“I built this house,” Khan said as he sat on the shaded  verandah eyeing the sweeping vista overlooking the city. “There  was nothing here. It was scrub jungle all around. There was only  a dirt track here.”

For Khan, creating something from nothing could be the  slogan for a much-chequered life.

A graduate from Oxford and very much a man-about-town in  London in the late 1970s, he became one of the world’s most  admired cricketers. He was captain of Pakistan’s team of  talented but wayward stars and, with many whispers of autocracy,  led them to win cricket’s World Cup for the first and only time  in 1992.

Imran Khan

After years of fund-raising, Khan opened a cancer hospital  in the memory of his mother in his native Lahore in 1994.

He is a conservative Muslim but was married to a Jewish  heiress and then divorced, joined politics and for years been  somewhat of a joke in Pakistan’s unruly democracy.

But in the past 15 years, through sheer force of will and a  reputation for personal integrity, he has gone from political  punch line to a superstar now attracting heavy-hitting  politicians to his party, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (Pakistan’s  Movement for Justice).

He — and a lot of other people — believe he could very  well be Pakistan’s next prime minister.

Khan’s confidence stems from what he sees is a tsunami of  support for the PTI in Pakistan as traditional parties falter  amid charges and counter-charges of corruption and petty  jealousies. On Oct 30, he staged a gigantic rally in Lahore that  observers said pulled between 100,000 and 200,000 people, one of  the largest political rallies ever in Pakistan.

But Khan remains relatively untested. In the last 15 years,  his party has only briefly held one seat in parliament — his.  He has had tumultuous relationships with the established  political parties as well as the military, the real decision  maker in the nuclear-armed nation of 180 million people.

He does not openly criticise the military but in a book on  Pakistani politics published in September, he walks the line,  saying: “Only a credible government can save and strengthen the  Pakistan army by making sure it stays within its constitutional  role. We have no other choice: in order to survive, we have to  make Pakistan a genuine democracy.”

Khan also has a touchy relationship with the United States,  Pakistan’s ally in the war on militancy and its biggest aid  donor. He says that if he’s elected prime minister, he would end  Pakistan’s cooperation in the fight against militants based in  its tribal areas, end the American drone campaign and refuse all  U.S. aid, which totals some $20 billion since 2001.

It may be all pie-in-the-sky, but Khan, 58, is nothing if  not charismatic. Still athletic and craggily handsome with  darting eyes and an intense demeanour, he can rarely sit still  for long. He fidgets and twists, almost as if he were about to  leap to his feet and launch into his fearsome pace bowling.

“For a lot of people who don’t have hope in their political  system, in a democratic system, he’s the one person they seem to  have hope in,” said a senior Western diplomat, who requested  anonymity to speak about internal Pakistani politics.

“I think he’s an important phenomenon because he articulates  the very real frustration of the country at a time when they  need articulation.”
And articulate he does. In an interview, Khan quickly lists  Pakistan’s very serious economic problems: electricity  shortages, crumbling railways, a crisis in education, massive  unemployment and endemic corruption.

“We’ve hit rock bottom,” he said. “It doesn’t get worse than  this, where to qualify for any position of important public  office, you have to have committed a crime.”

For Khan, the current government headed by Asif Ali Zardari,  the widower of Khan’s old Oxford classmate Benazir Bhutto, who  was assassinated in 2007 after returning to Pakistan from  self-imposed exile, is the most corrupt government Pakistan has  ever seen. Transparency International, which listed Pakistan as  the 143rd most corrupt country in its 2010 corruption index,  might agree.

As such, Khan believes in a fresh start for Pakistan, a  country that, like his home above Islamabad, is a jungle ready  to be cleared out and made anew. He believes Pakistan should  wipe out the past and rebuild from a clean slate, with he as  architect-in-chief. “You only get out of this by a complete U-turn and what we  call a New Pakistan.”

He is calling not only for a new government, but a new  political order, one based on what he says are the real ideals  of Pakistan’s founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who worked  to forge a homeland for South Asia’s Muslims before the bloody  partition in 1947 that created India and Pakistan.

Instead of fighting the Taliban militants, Khan said,  Pakistan should enter into dialogue with them. He says if he  were in power, he could end militancy in 90 days.

A senior Taliban commander and spokesman contacted by  Reuters laughed off this idea and said they would continue the  fight. “He is, in fact, living in a fool’s paradise,” the  commander said.

And yet, Khan is no fundamentalist. The idealized Islamic  state he says he would build in Pakistan would focus on justice,  fairness and equality for all its citizens before the law. It  would, above all, be “humane.”  Khan often veers between shrewd political calculations —  “as a political party, you can’t rule out alliances” — and what  seems to be naive idealism.  His plan to raise revenue for Pakistan is to “inspire”  people to pay their taxes through his personal example and  somehow rooting out all corruption, boosting the country’s  pitiful tax-to-GDP ratio of about 10 percent, one of the lowest  in the world.

Some of the parties he has associated himself with in the  past are notably lacking in democratic and liberal bona fides,  such as the conservative Jamaat-e-Islami, which has cheered the  murder of blasphemers and campaigned against laws that would  grant women and religious minorities equal status to Muslims.

But how might Khan do in the election? Given the current  flux in Pakistani politics, few analysts would hazard a guess.

Many think he could split the right-leaning, nationalist vote  currently dominated by the former Prime Minister Nawaz Shari’s  Pakistan Muslim League and keep Zardari’s Pakistan People’s  Party in power.

“He seems to have inspired more people to join the political  process,” said Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Center for  American Progress in Washington. “But to date, his political  organization has seemed weak and not well managed, particularly  in contrast to his charity.”
Khan himself believes his time has come.

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