Last week, we revisited the purchase of drugs and medical supplies for the Ministry of Health and the Georgetown Hospital in the light of media reports suggesting that the criteria to be used in the prequalification of suppliers are heavily weighted in favour of a local organization.
Last week, we discussed the financial accountability of Neighbourhood Democratic Councils (NDCs), which is in a complete state of disarray.
The year 2013 was not a particularly good one for governance, transparency and accountability.
Last Thursday, the National Assembly adjourned for six months the debate on a bill to amend Public Procurement Act to reinstate Cabinet’s role in the awarding of public contracts.
Last week, we discussed a number of issues relating to the five per cent increase for public servants, arbitrarily agreed upon by the Government after talks broke down with the Guyana Public Service Union.
On 20 November 2013, the Government announced a five per cent increase in wages and salaries for public servants, retroactive to January 2013.
Last Monday, we began an examination of the three financial papers that the Minister of Finance presented to the National Assembly seeking approval by way of supplementary provision in the sum of $12.385 billion.
Last week, we concluded our discussion of the Enron accounting scandal. We noted that commercial interest took precedence over allegiance to professional integrity and that the Enron case was the biggest audit failure in American history.
Two weeks ago, we discussed the issue of conflict of interest. We stated that a conflict of interest occurs in a situation where a public official’s decisions are influenced by his or her personal interest.
Part II Last week, we examined the accountability arrangements of all statutory bodies, especially as regards compliance with the Fiscal Management and Accounta-bility (FMA) Act.
The issue of conflict of interest has been in the news over the last few weeks, especially in the light of the disclosure by one of the media houses that the Alliance for Change (AFC) Chairman is also the Company Secretary of the Amaila Falls Hydro Inc., the company that was set up to manage the construction and operations of the Hydro Project.
Over the last few weeks, a number of concerns were expressed that raising the ceiling for Government guarantees of loans to public entities has the effect of increasing the public debt.
Two weeks ago, we began an examination of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption (IACAC) which was signed on 29 March 1996 and which came into force on 6 March 1997.
Since my article of 5 August on the Amaila Falls Project, a number of important developments took place.
Last week, we began a discussion of the Amaila Hydropower Project in the light of the National Assembly’s rejection of: (a) the proposed amendment to the Hydro Electric Act mainly to protect the surrounding areas; and (b) the motion to lift the ceiling for Government’s guarantee of loans to public corporations and companies.
A historical perspective and the challenges ahead (Part II) Last week, we began a discussion of organizational management because of its relevance to both the public and private sectors but more especially in the light of the myriad of problems facing a number of state institutions.
Consider the following newspaper headlines: “PM says GPL commercial losses embarrassing”; “Power company forecasts $11B shortfall this year”; “Chand urges expert help to save sugar industry”; and “Sugar industry turnaround ‘far from reality’”.
Last week, we commenced reviewing the operations of the Guyana Power and Light (GPL) in the light of its disastrous performance over the years, despite the massive subsidies and capital contributions from the Treasury.
I was prompted to write this article because of my dismay at news reports about the salaries/fees payable to the Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) and the Chairmen of the Guyana Power and Light (GPL) and the Guyana Sugar Corporation (GUYSUCO), in the light of the disastrous performance of these state-owned entities over the years.
Two weeks ago, we began our discussion of the UN Convention Against Corruption that Member States adopted in December 2003.
Last week, we discussed the proposed amendments to the Anti Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) Act of 2009.
Introduction Over the last two weeks, there were some interesting exchanges between the Government and the Opposition political parties on the proposed amendments to the Anti-Money Laundering and the Countering of Terrorism (AML/CFT) Act 2009.
Our democracy here in the United States over the last two centuries has weathered the storms of war, economic depression, crime, drugs, corruption and scandal.