Commenting on the situation at the University of Guyana on its 50th anniversary, President Donald Ramotar has been reported as stating the following: “We might have different ideas, but for Christ’s sake don’t let the different ideas paralyze us.
It is good that this year the Minister of Finance has decided to give the opposition relatively good notice of the tripartite budget consultations.
In less than two years, with nothing but a smattering of power, the Alliance for Change (AFC), which promised so much hope to so many, has become as morally questionable as any of our historic political parties.
The Oxford dictionary gives the definition of apartheid as “a policy or system of segregation or discrimination on grounds of race (and) segregation on grounds other than race.” I believe that this accords well with our everyday understanding of the concept and also indicates why policies of social segregation are normally frowned upon.
On the issue of local government financing, the May 6th 2003 constructive engagement agreement between President Bharrat Jagdeo and Leader of the Opposition Mr.
The local government reforms of 2013 appear grounded in what Desmond Hoyte pejoratively referred to as “local government per se” (reforming local government for reform’s sake), and in this spirit I will begin this examination of the Bills that were recently passed by the National Assembly but are still to be assented to by the president.
Given our long association with local government, the idea that it is a good in itself comes naturally and so the temptation to believe that any working system of local democracy is better than none is ever present.
The nature of the local government system of a country largely depends on the ideological orientation of those responsible for its establishment.
Whatever gave President Donald Ramotar the occasion, during his opening presentation to the 30th Congress of the PPP, to rail against shared governance, I believe the fact that he has done so requires some immediate attention and is a good enough reason for me again to defer my continued discourse on local government.
It is regrettable when a group of young people attempt a venture that they believe will further their interests and the responsible government ministry, having been invited and expected, fails to show up.
I began this discourse on local government reform with the contention that elitist behaviour in this kind of matter has not served us well, and the events in the National Assembly last Thursday have reinforced this.
Our local government system has its roots in the immediate post-emancipation period when the new freedmen sought social and economic liberation from the plantocracy by purchasing plantations and forming independent villages.
The PPP/C appears set upon a course of outdoing the PNC in negative accomplishments.
The single issue over which all Guyanese, and more so all opposition supporters, should unite and forcefully and immediately seek to remove is the constitutional provision that gives the presidency and its not inconsiderable trappings to the party with the largest plurality, and makes it possible for someone to become the president even if his party secures less than 20% of the votes at a general election.
Let us not fool ourselves, all things remaining equal, and taking into account the outcome of the 2011 general elections, for the PPP/C to lose the executive at the next general elections, at the very least APNU cannot lose a significant number of votes to the AFC, and will have to take more than 15% more votes from the PPP/C.
Recently, the leadership of APNU has been coming in for some all-round battering, largely I believe because it has not developed and/or has not been able to transmit an acceptable vision of the future, and its political antics have left many confused and with the belief that the party is comfortable with its new parliamentary stature.
I think that with the following statement by Mr. Ravi Dev, the discourse between us about the relevance of federalism to Guyana has come to an end.
The notion that states should seek to increase the happiness of their citizens dates back to before the British philosopher John Locke (1632-1704) told us that: “The necessity of pursuing happiness [is] the foundation of liberty.
We are now in our 48th year of independence and the most cursory analysis of our dailies will leave us in no doubt that, notwithstanding the claims that we have made significant progress since 1966, and particularly since 1992, for many, Guyana is a very unhappy place.
Half a century ago, with the intention of hurting the economy, the PPP began burning cane fields to make its political point.
Perhaps because I came to federalism by way of my undergraduate study of US government in the 1960s, when state rights was the cry of every racist bigot in the Southern states of the USA, and in one form or another the federal government had to continuously intervene to protect the rights of African Americans, I do not have much faith in federalism’s capacity to play a positive role in the drive for sensible ethnic living in divided societies.
It is not very useful to accuse someone of doing nothing without suggesting what can be done.
I thank Prime Minister Mr Samuel Hinds for taking the time to clarify some of the comments I made in this column last week, in his letter “Shared governance not shared government” (SN 19/04/2013).
The drive towards dominance has been successful largely because it has been furtive.
If the denudation of opposition-orientated labour organisations is recognised as signifying the initial phase of the march to political/ethnic dominance, the vulgarly partisan 2011 issuing of radio licences and frequencies represents its apogee.
You may recall that, like today with President Ramotar and Mr. Bharrat Jagdeo, when the latter took the presidency from Ms.
Context is everything and with the defeat of Janet Jagan in 1999, the political context in Guyana changed into the debilitating, acrimonious and anti-developmental environment we now inhabit.
I decided to consider the Prevention of Discrimination Act, Chapter 99:09 (No. 26 of 1997) separately because it appears to me that it provides enormous opportunities for us to deal with one of our most persistent problems: discrimination in employment in both the public and private sectors.
If I say so myself, by any historical standard, the 1992-97 Cheddi Jagan regime was the most productive period for legislation intended to protect the working people of Guyana.
It does not matter if you are one of the most avowed critics of Cheddi Jagan.
Now that the dust is settling on the parliamentary participation issue involving Minister Clement Rohee, the time might be right for us to consider another important aspect of our political administration thrown up by the Linden debacle.
Last week I argued that a state’s constitution usually takes precedence over general notions of majority rule and I also indicated that the United States Federalist Papers were written to encourage the states to support the ratification of the Federal Constitution and that James Madison believed that one of the best arguments in favour of federalism was its capacity to keep both minority and majority factions in check.
Based on an examination of the existing literature, a situational analysis and discussions with stakeholders, the 2010-2015 “Guyana: Country Cooperation Strategy” (CCS), constructed with the help of the Pan-American Health Organisation (PAHO/WHO), identified some twenty health challenges and seventeen health priorities.
The problems identified by Parliamentary Secretary of Health, Mr. Joseph Hamilton a few weeks ago in relation to personnel and materials management are only symptoms of a system that was recognised to be in need of “major surgery” over a decade ago.
Recently, the Parliamentary Secretary for Health, Mr Joseph Hamilton informed us that “a needful reform is required if the Ministry of Health is to better its current mode of operation.” As reported, Mr.
The Leader of the Opposition has laid a motion in the National Assembly for an inquiry to be held into the criminal violence that took place in Guyana between 2004 and 2010.
Minister Rohee’s announcement that the government has agreed to change the name of the police in Guyana from the Guyana Police Force to the Guyana Police Service was greeted by some of my drinking colleagues with much hilarity.
If anything proves that the PPP/C has discounted receiving African votes in the near future it must be its decision to change the proposed site of the 1823 monument from the Independence Square to Carifesta Avenue and its administratively incorrect and flimsy excuse for doing so!
Lest we succumb to the hopelessness that can very easily result from what has been a most acrimonious and debilitating political year, the holiday season presents a good opportunity for us to take a short break and turn our minds in other directions.
“What is to be feared is not so much the immorality of the great as the fact that immorality may lead to greatness.
It is generally thought that all conscious practices proceed from some kind of theoretical construct and that if the theory is wrong, the practice will most likely prove insufficient.
Across the political divide, after a year in office, the populace appears to have given up any expectations that, with the exception of national elections sometime soon, much will result from the presidency of Mr.
It is in the very nature of modern, media-centred, politics for secondary issues to become larger than life and overshadow more important agenda items.
Cheddi Jagan was extremely proud of his government’s commitment to transparency and one of the most visible signs of this was his government’s ability to present the annual Auditor General’s Report after many years of default under the PNC regime.
Cross Border Career Stretch in the Teaching Profession (cont’d) Since the idea is not to prevent but rather to facilitate an overseas career for those who wish it and have performed well, government can be more proactive in arranging such recruitment and putting reengagement incentives in place.
The current quarrel between the government, the Speaker of the National Assembly and the opposition over the content of the first Order Paper (parliamentary agenda) of this new parliamentary year keeps us in the same mode that has developed since the last general elections: a government blustering its way in the hope of finding an opportune moment to call a new election and an opposition determined to close the noose around the government’s neck.
The first of the thirty-two recommendations found in the 2012 Guyana Report on Aging (the Report) states that “Associations of Older Persons could help educate about the rights of the elderly and promote their active participation in the community activities”.
“Even though, the growing ageing population and the concomitant changes this will bring are viewed as a major socio-economic challenge for Guyana, other competing development priorities have overtaken the national agenda.
I began this discourse a few weeks ago by indicating that three programmes targeted at the elderly by the Barbados government have been identified as regional best practices.
Aging, along with and its moral and practical implications is so visible that most societies have had to establish norms to deal with it, but as Thomas R Cole, et al, observed in The Meaning of Aging and the Future of Social Security, “the ancient and medieval understandings of aging as a mysterious part of the eternal order of things gradually gave way to the secular, scientific, and individualist tendencies of modernity.