I trust that readers who have been following my rather extended discussion on lessons to be learnt from the failed Copenhagen Climate Change Conference will agree that a careful assessment of the LCDS and the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Government of Guyana and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway must be located in the broader context of global negotiations to complete an agreement on climate change and global warming.
Solution or source of global climate change
In this week’s column I shall wrap up the discussion over the past few weeks of the key lessons that should be learnt from the recent Copenhagen climate summit.
Thus far over the past two weeks I have highlighted in these columns what I believe are six very important lessons, which should be learnt from the recent United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference (UNFCCC) held in Copenhagen, Denmark.
Last week I started to identify, in no particular order of importance, those vital lessons that should be learnt from the recent United Nations Framework Conference on Climate Change held in Copenhagen, Denmark, which are needed for a careful evaluation of the LCDS and the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Government of Guyana and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway.
As I have pointed out earlier, the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Government of Guyana and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway and its associated Joint Concept Note are best evaluated in the context of the outcomes of the recent United Nations Copenhagen Conference on Climate Change and global warming.
As we saw last week the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Government of Guyana and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway provides for two sets of conditional payments by Norway.
For this week’s column, let me begin by re-emphasizing a couple of observations I have made about global inter-governmental negotiations thus far, as I continue to evaluate the low-carbon development strategy and the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), between the Government of Guyana and the Government of the Kingdom of Norway, as well as its related Joint Concept Note between the two parties to the agreement.
Several readers have expressed surprise and disappointment on reading in last Sunday’s column that the G20, which includes so many former champions of poor countries in the global economy are now flagrantly doing what the rich G7 countries had been doing for decades previously.
In last Sunday’s column I had described the many pledges made in the past by rich countries to come to the aid and support of poor countries as the ‘fool’s gold’ of international economic diplomacy.
Guyana and the wider world
CARICOM and the G20
In my column last week I was at pains to acknowledge the astounding rise of the G20 grouping of countries to the undisputed lead position in international efforts to contain the global economic recession, financial crisis and credit crunch.
Guyana and the wider world
Last week I indicated that I would respond to three queries which readers have raised, before turning to evaluate the trade policy proposals of the G20 for resolving the current economic crisis and hopefully establishing a secure platform for the robust resumption of global trade.
In the coming weeks I shall seek to establish why it is I believe that trade policy, at the global and national levels, represents the third and final important lesson to come out of recent worldwide efforts to cope with the global economic recession, financial crisis and credit crunch (squeeze).
Guyana and the wider world Optimism
The current state of the global economic crisis, one year after the financial meltdown of last September (2008), provides a crucial backdrop for consideration of the third, and final lesson to be learnt from global and national efforts to cope with economic recession, financial crisis and the credit squeeze.
Four concerns
In last week’s consideration of the pros and cons of conditional cash transfers as a policy tool for fighting the increased poverty and economic distress occasioned by the global economic crisis I referred to the results of impact evaluations of these schemes, mainly in Africa and Latin America.