Dear Editor,
The Stabroek News, in its editorial of August 24, titled ‘A new Registrar of Lands’, has once again exposed its phobia over the presence of the PNCR in the coalition government. The paper asserted that “the primary issue that has dogged the 100-day old administration is that a section of its governing coalition, the PNCR, is aggressively asserting itself…” Less than a month earlier, the paper in its editorial of July 26, titled ‘New government”, claimed that “the temptation for elements in the PNC now they are in office… will be to ignore their ‘minor’ partners and push ahead with their own agenda, marginalizing the other party” and that this could lead to the fear that “no matter what is said to the contrary, the old PNC’s penchant for the authoritarian approach is still alive underneath the surface”. Expect to see more of this narrative of the bad PNCR asserting its old power-drunk self in subsequent commentaries by the Stabroek News, not to mention by the opposition PR machinery.
A significant phenomenon, however, is rapidly emerging in the country’s political landscape under the new government that flies in the face of the allegations of a resurgent dictatorial PNCR. That phenomenon is the depoliticization of the political space, meaning the withdrawal of party politicians and politics from key state institutions and systems in the country. As depoliticization is, in effect, the reversal of party paramountcy, then SN’s attacks on the PNCR have no foundation.
What is the evidence of this depoliticization? Ten examples come immediately to mind: (i) the passage of the Constitutional Amendment Act 2 of 2015 in July, which, by increasing the financial autonomy of several state entities, increased their protection from political manipulation. These entities include the Judicial Service Commission, the Public Service Commission and, most revealing, Gecom. Now, if the narrative of the Stabroek News is to be followed, then the PNC founder leader must be turning in his grave at this relinquishment of power by his understudies; (ii) the effort to professionalize the offices of Regional Executive Officers through open recruitment of these persons rather than by ministerial hand-picking; (iii) the open recruitment locally and overseas for the positions of Chancellor and Chief Justice; (iv) the plans to make the parliament robust and independent, including the imminent tabling of the Office of the Clerk of the National Assembly Bill; (v) the imminent re-tabling of the Broadcasting (Amendment) Bill to allow greater independence to the National Broadcasting Authority; (vi) the restoring/granting of subventions to the TUC and FITUG, and commitments to restart collective bargaining; (vii) the intention to move all public monies into the Consolidated Fund to allow greater parliamentary and public oversight; (viii) plans to make the public procurement system transparent and independent; (ix) the establishment of technical committees of engineers, economists, scientists and others to advise on the sugar industry, drainage and irrigation, municipalities, etc. This embrace of technocracy and meritocracy will limit the reach of party politics; and (x) the absence of MPs and central executive members of the governing parties on the new UG council, whereas before the PPP/C had 3 or 4 such persons, inclusive of Gail Teixeira and Odinga Lumumba.
These and other examples are matters that fall under ministries headed by the PNCR. And the trend points in the direction of greater autonomy, less political interference, and more professionalization. Doubtlessly, the partners in the ruling coalition have accepted the need for depoliticization. The Stabroek News has disappointingly missed this ongoing and refreshing shift in the country’s political management. One hopes it can step back from sniffing around for acts of PNCR badness and instead give this emerging development due recognition and encouragement.
The increasing depoliticization raises several questions, of course. Examples include: at what point will people begin to ‘feel’ it and therefore perceive the system to be fair and party-blind? How can it reach that point? How can these changes be embedded and not be overturned later by narrow political calculations and the winner-take-all mentality?
Yours faithfully,
Sherwood Lowe
