Dear Editor,
I have followed very closely the pre and post-Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) elections’ debate in our newspaper letter columns. Since the massive opposition victory, persons in Guyana who are calling for a similar alliance of political and civic forces to contest the 2011 General and Regional elections have had their sprits lifted by the Trinidadian success.
Two recent letters by prominent politicians, Joey Jagan in Kaieteur News (KN) June 2, captioned, ‘Unity and change can defy any electoral system’ and MP Mrs Debbie Backer, in Stabroek News (SN) June 3, captioned ‘Persad-Bissessar’s victory tells Guyanese that a coalition of political, civil forcers can result in victory at the election’ represent an energised campaign for an electoral coalition. While both writers have, understandably, used the former opposition’s success in the T&T elections to promote their case for similar action in Guyana, I am yet to see their conclusion that the same will happen here come 2011 if the opposition and civic forces contest as a unified electoral force. I believe that when a comprehensive and comparative appraisal of the situation in Guyana as against that of our sister Caribbean state is done there will be less optimism about opposition chances in Guyana.
I do not want to get sucked into debating ‘the electoral option’ since I hold the view that as presently configured and in the context of the Guyana situation, to defeat the ruling party in elections is in fact a non option. To the extent that I am prepared to engage in public polemics and promoting consciousness I rather prefer to expend my energies to promote the struggle for constitutional reform for shared governance before elections.
I will take my exit on this matter very quickly, but, before doing so, let me point out some obvious differences between the situation in Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana. They are as follows: (1) Trinidad had the previous experience of a multi-ethnic coalition of political and social forces (NAR) defeating the incumbent (PNM) by wining 33 out of 36 seats. In Guyana we have had no such experience. (2) The Trinidad and Tobago elections system is based on the first-Past-the-post system, which makes it easy to determine the electoral strength of the contesting parties or forces. Guyana’s system for many years had been based exclusively on proportional representation (PR) which was an adjusted (albeit only for the 2001 elections) to a confusing mix which not even the members of the Guyana Elections Commission fully understand. (3) For decades, the two major parties in Trinidad and Tobago, like those in Guyana, evolved as race-based parties – PNM African and the UNC Indian. The UNC after many years in the opposition defeated the PNM because there are a small number of constituencies over which neither party has full control. These marginal constituencies can determine which party wins the election. (4) The race competition at the political level is not as bad as that in Guyana.
The Indian business class is more secure and has greater confidence in its political and economic strength than its counterparts in Guyana, hence that group’s more pragmatic approach to politics in T&T. (5) The incumbent in Guyana has unlimited advantage to abuse the use of public funds at election time. In Trinidad the situation is more favourable to the opposition. (6) In Guyana, the party in government exerts tremendous influence over both the electoral process and the officials in charge of the process. Additionally, the physical terrain in Guyana’s hinterland and its control, and the use of the resources of the state to meet the cost of campaigning in those areas, provide the incumbent with a distinct advantage over its political opponents in those communities. In T&T the situation is vastly different. The terrain is dissimilar and the opposition has greater accessibility to all constituencies. (8) This is probably the most important difference between elections in Guyana and our sister country. Elections in Trinidad and Tobago historically have had greater legitimacy than in Guyana hence the ability to change government electorally is a norm. Their history has demonstrated that in spite of ethnic rivalry in their politics both parties have lost the government as a result of political rebellion in their respective parties and constituencies. (9) In Guyana the ruling party and government monopolise radio broadcasts; not so in Trinidad. Unlike in Guyana, in every part of the twin island people have access to both radio and television and more importantly to the opinions of the forces opposed to the government. There is no ‘Linden’ in Trinidad and Tobago where in a major opposition stronghold the people are forced by government action to depend on the government controlled TV station for information, which invariably, is orchestrated party and governmental propaganda.
And (10) In T&T the forces opposed to the government, unlike their counterparts in Guyana, have demonstrated over time their preparedness to take the requisite actions, including street protests, to advance the interest of the people of the country. They, unlike their counterparts in Guyana, recognized who the common enemy was, that the T&T parliament provided them only with a limited opportunity to defend the interests of the people, and that there was a need for them to take decisive action in their quest at finding a solution to the country’s problems. So far in Guyana the opposition forces which are led by a set of egocentric individuals, remain deeply polarized among themselves, are unprepared to put the interest of the people and the country at the top of their agenda and are more prepared to cast barbs at each other rather than engage in discussions and take action on the way forward. While they continue along their merry way the party in government continues to heap scorn on them while continuing to impose tremendous burdens on the people of this country.
I believe the issues I have advanced coupled with the fact that the PPP/C to date has been able to keep both the party and its ethnic constituency united and, in the absence of rebellion in that party or the emergence of a political or civic force or forces to make inroads in its Indian base, change for Guyana via the electoral process lies somewhere in the distant future. However, I also believe that if the required actions are taken and the collective opposition political parties and civic forces embrace and struggle energetically for shared governance, it is still possible and not too late to reverse or neutralize the advantages the rulers have as it relates to elections. If this line of action is followed we stand an excellent chance of rendering as irrelevant the points I mentioned above. Those who are prepared to ignore our reality and are on the election bandwagon are suffering from electoral illusion.
Yours faithfully,
Tacuma Ogunseye
