Guyana’s weak economic data constrains robust analysis

Introduction Last week’s column wrapped-up the series of nine successive contributions arguing for the adoption by Guyana and Caricom, of the United Nations (UN) Post-2015 Development Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as their long-term planning and policy frameworks.

The moment of truth: Framing the SDGs in the Guyana context

Introduction In the previous two columns, I have sought to make the case that, the major impediments, which are constraining the long-term socio-economic/environmental development, and structural transformation of the Region (and Guyana), can be effectively addressed within the framework of the United Nations (UN), Post-2015 Development Agenda and its related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs, 2015-2030).

More on the SDGs as a planning framework suitable for Guyana, Caricom’s long-term development

Introduction In last week’s column, I began my response to a question that I have been asked repeatedly in recent times: that is, whether I believe the Sustainable Development Goals, (SDGs), which are slated to be adopted at the United Nations Summit later this month as an integral element of its Post-2015 Development Agenda, offer a sound and adequate planning framework for Caricom and Guyana’s long-term development over its projected life, 2015-30?

Should the Sustainable Development Goals form the framework for Guyana (and Caricom’s) long-term development?

MDGs: Both necessary and sufficient Following on my previous columns that have been assessing the Post-2015 Development Agenda and its accompanying sustainable development goals (SDGs) 2015-2030, which is scheduled to be approved at the upcoming United Nations (UN) Summit (September 24-27) later this year, quite a few readers have asked me a rather pertinent question: whether I believe the SDGs,

Guyana and the Post-2015 Development Agenda

Introduction   Last week’s column briefly reflected on the ongoing transitioning from the present era of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for global development (2010-2015), which expires this year to the upcoming Post-2015 Development Agenda that is presently being forged by the global community.

Transitioning from the Millennium Development Goals

Introduction So far in this series of columns I have covered the international discussion taking place on steps to secure the recovery of stolen public assets leading up to the recently concluded Third Conference on Financing for Development (FFD), held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia last month.

Addis Ababa financing for development conference Action Agenda: Fighting corruption in its many forms

Introduction         Hypothesis: Paradigm shift   The hypothesis that has been under consideration in my July columns thus far, is that international best practices in the area of financing for development are undergoing a paradigm shift, which is partly reflected in mounting global efforts to incorporate “recovery of stolen public assets” (StPAR) as a central feature of domestic resource mobilization, particularly for developing countries.

Lesson 5: Wanted! Guyana’s stolen public assets recovery initiative

As part of the series on managing Guyana’s public investment regime, today’s column proposes a mechanism whereby our newly elected government could, at this unique democratic opening, embark on seeking bread (investible resources) and justice for Guyanese whose national wealth has been rapaciously plundered in recent years.

More on the $313bilion (US$1.5 billion) hustle and the democratic dividend awaiting Guyana

Introduction I was caught completely off-guard at the depth of the consternation and disbelief expressed by quite a few readers who responded to the estimates that I had provided of the amount of money Guyana loses due to three corrupt practices (public procurement fraud; illicit capital flight; and the underground economy) in last week’s column ($313billion or about US$1.5billion).

Lesson 4: The ABC of measuring the onerous affliction of fraud on Guyana’s public investment programme

Guyana and the Wider World

Introduction After some introductory material, the lessons dealt with so far in this series on the management of Guyana’s public investment regime have concentrated on: 1) the “basic steps” needed to establish an adequately functioning organization of this regime and 2) the types of failures and weaknesses displayed in public projects during the 2000s.

PetroCaribe and the affliction of ‘pathological altruism’

Introduction Today’s column, along with next week’s will concentrate on 1) an evaluation of the role the PetroCaribe initiative has been playing in the region’s regime of crude oil importation, since its establishment in 2005, and 2) an assessment of the near-to-medium prospects of this initiative, with special reference to Guyana’s membership.

PetroCaribe: The way to hell is paved with good intentions

Introduction: Lifeline or noose   I shall outline the key details of the Venezuela PetroCaribe initiative in the next section of this column but upfront I wish to categorically assert that Guyana along with other members of this initiative have benefited greatly from it since its establishment in 2005 and for sure right up to the middle of 2014.

Guyana then and now: Small, poor, open and trade-dependent

Then and now Sadly, as we approach Republic Day 2015, and after about half a century of independence, the classic description of the Guyana colonial economy as very small (even micro by global standards), poor, highly open, and exceptionally dependent on trade in primary commodities remains as broadly accurate today as it was back then.

Beyond the criminal state: The dynamics of state terrorism and looting national resources Part 3

So far Parts 1 & 2 of this four-part series of columns have argued that the proximate or immediately precipitating factor driving the multifaceted crises which have emerged in Guyana today, stems from the unprecedented torrent of financial lawlessness, abuses and irregularities unleashed by the minority PPP/C executive, which came into office following the November 2011 national elections.

Beyond the criminal state: The dynamics of state terrorism and looting national resources

Part2   Introduction   Last week, in Part 1 of this four-part series of columns I had argued that the proximate or immediately preceding factor driving the several ongoing crises and threatening contradictions in Guyana (starkly symbolized in the presidential prorogation of the National Assembly on November 10, 2014) has been the uncontrolled torrent of financial abuses, irregularities, and lawlessness perpetrated by the PPP/C executive since the November 2011 elections.